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Yesterday, she was obvious and required anniversaries: the meeting two months of the death of Nestor Kirchner . Today's, however, is far more capricious, and perhaps more forgettable. Exactly a year and a half, in the twilight of a cold winter afternoon, we learned a lot, hopeless and paralyzed, Nestor Kirchner lost the election with a cartoon character so novel as a rival of Isidoro guns with red hair, ideal model for toothpaste ads, always with a smile that spared him the need to articulate arguments. A ghost from the past ninety, gravedigger repeater policy and formulas as well known as terrifying.

difficult I recall vividly the memory of that late night of fearful silence and anguish, where he began an early wake, not Kirchner, but their potential future policy. There began the intrepid cogobierno vocation of political opposition that he was an absolute winner, though only because he looked more closely at the numbers outside the own-and it was assumed as the recipient of the post that the link table, from " field, transmitting to the lock devine out in knockout. Perhaps this excessive self-confidence, this denial to the coldness and analysis, the euphoria characteristic of those who receive an award for which they have done too little, block heterogeneous made that ad nauseam, which proudly autodenominaría hereinafter "the opposition" , end up believing their own narrative triumph and took over as recommended, on, exposing a bare chest in the center of the scene of conflict and camera on 24 hours, assuming a role that seemed so happy as naked. That excessive momentum, that sort of repetition of the "March of the constitution and freedom", no longer the secluded if no television sets in the volunteers might have favored destinations of disappointment and attrition. Curious

physiology of this body Kirchner, which was built from certain losses and tragedies - the vote is not positive, the defeat of 28-J, the death of its driver, a fortress in the past was not known: the numbers Today, even reaching values \u200b\u200bcomparable to those of a past pre-125, do not indicate the same, too much water has flowed under the bridge to the popular consciousness the events recorded with the same lightness in 2007. An important fact is the situation of the antagonists: if in that election the opposition erected Cristina was a pocket of mystery and uncertainty, his wild and awkward swagger by rough segments of the political events of 2010 has dispelled many doubts and perhaps some fears: those of the ruling.

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If Peronism understand the question, probably read books or Feinmann Galasso brings more than read Gambini's. In any case, read Gambini may be of interest to understand the anti-Peronism, which is not a trivial exercise for any Peronist. Peronism But if it is, read the most 2000 pages totaling Galasso books (2 volumes) and Feinmann (only one volume, as will the other) together, add up to much.

two books are quite different: that of Galasso is undoubtedly an indispensable book, colossal, titanic, full, centered on the figure of Perón. It is really a biography of Perón, used to investigate by Peronism axis maximum leader. Rigorous , documented, developed in depth each of the stages of movement with the same detail. It is known, Galasso is a historian of the national left, and from there pointing their guns. It does so with a profound respect for Perón, seeking to appease, suggest explanations and even some evidence to the contradictory movements of Peron. That of Feinmann is an interesting book, as all it does Feinmann, which assumes that "Peronism is much more than Perón." It is not a linear story, does not respect the timelines, no historical chronicles. It is proposed, in the words of the author, write and inquire about the political philosophy of the movement. The personal touch of Jose Pablo is given by its gentle irony and a certain hardness acre, extremely critical, Peron. Off course is not a book gorilla harshly castigates all the imagery and discourse gorilla. He mocks it while it destroys. Never seeks to avoid personal definitions: making position and is assumed to be a "Hegelian-Marxist intellectual," which looked full of hope to Peronism, tired of the farce of Prohibition, encouraged by the revolutionary potential of Peronism, dreaming of national socialism.

If I had to choose a book, I'll stick with that of Galasso. Not because they share some of the views of Feinmann, but because Galasso's book is monumental. I repeat, indispensable. Galasso excessive affection he gave to the concept of Peron, fails to take rigorous historiographical at any time. The myriad of sources consulted, press, brochures, books and pamphlets, reports, documentaries, some totally unknown to me, it becomes monolithic. In addition, Galasso takes the pendulum exercise political leadership of Peron and make it his own, trying to keep equidistance and explain, without ceasing to be a historian of the federal-provincial and Latin American-in detail the contradictions of Peronism, between right and left, extreme in the 70's. Sometimes Feinmann

leaves mambo. Is confused about some details. May lack some of the texts reviewed. Others become too egotistical. For example, when building analysis from fictional events that he himself created. Sometimes you miss the natural resentment that some 70 militants have yet to Perón that they clipped the wings, although the focus of some of these criticisms - the presence and the growing power of López Rega, upgrades and Margaride Villar, for example continues to be completely unobjectionable.

sometimes coincide, especially when they hit the gorilla thick: both serve Donghi Halperin, both at Victoria Ocampo and the group of South Borges, Bioy and Victoria Ocampo., Defy Rojas y Aramburu . The two are on the ground with the arguments that point to Peron as philo-Nazi.

Both are books that should not be stop reading. Feinmann The One, you get free PDF on the site page 12. That of Galasso, is achieved by some money in bookstores.

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Two books on Argentina and Peronism two centuries

For those things of fate, Miguel Cane, furious patricia guardian of nationality, born in Uruguay in 1851. Born, therefore, with the aura of heroism and victimization pride with which the persecuted of rosismo imposed. His family was of those who shouted released after Caseros, convinced that without the influence of restorative embracing - the first-Argentina deposed tyrant would become part of the light and progressive world of global capitalism. His life was the while gauchos and Indians were killed and cattle and cereals were listed on the rise in international markets. Adviser and admirer of Sarmiento, have guessed, like that which killed the workers for the killing arms unit would have to export labor force in Europe. Excited both have imagined contingent of blond Saxon peasants neat Swiss and French peasants rough descending from the boats to bring the knowledge, technology and civilization to populate the earth where blood still resected those who had had the audacity antimodern of barbaric practice and leisure. The arrival of so many illiterate people from southern Italy or the peasants of the elementary Spain precapitalist should be watered early
expectations sadly predecessor Macri, Cane reached the quartermaster of the City of Buenos Aires after the federalization of the Capital. Later, he was Senator, leaving the country a legacy more lasting than his book "Juvenille": the law of residence, which the author called "delicious law of expulsion of foreigners." Law drafted to ask the Industrial Union of Argentina (because although we had virtually no industry, and we had the influential UIA), that any foreigner could be deported without trial, the mere allegation was enough authority employers. Thus, the nationality oligarchic, patrician, guarding their glorious country of minorities in the influence of foreign agents and solvents: communists, socialists and anarchists. The major problems of Argentina's centenary. The agitators who were demanding, not always with the best manners, improved working conditions and demanded that the oligarchy in Argentina that humanize his claim for profit.
Cane was an icon of the generation of 80: worship of a Eurocentric culture, came to congratulate Jose Hernandez for the release of "The Return of Martin Fierro", with the following words: "It's good to sing for those disinherited intellectual enjoyment is not only a positive necessity of life for the cultivated, but also for men who are close to the state of nature. " In short: you can also make minor forms of art for the animals, said Cane, who, moreover, had never reached that achieved literary success, if not for his famous "Juvenille" was promoted as a children's book mandatory Argentine oligarchic conservatism (Write José Pablo Feinmann about: "Cane generation won the war and organized the country in his image and likeness, as well organizes the truth when it gets to impose. Hence, we have been educated under the imperative of delight with the antics of the ruling classes, the educated youth of the Buenos Aires bourgeoisie, their oligarchy or aristocracy). worth noting that their beloved Sarmiento and all enemies of federalism had much to do with gauchos these campaigns were, in effect, "disinherited", which masterfully Hernández I sing their extraordinary punishment.
While stopping short of experiencing the festivities - died young in 1902 - Cane may be considered part of Argentina's first centenary, the party of fraud and frivolity, with state of siege declared and unbridled repression. Party not involved in only a minority of ancestry and residence bulls imported from England and bonded imported from Italy. Diametrically opposed, Argentina Bicentennial met the people on the streets, cheering in unison with many other peoples of the continent. This time Argentina which drafted a law on immigration in line with the principles of its Constitution and in keeping with the wonderful times that are experienced Latin American integration. An immigration law that is, without more, the antithesis of law Cane. Argentina
But the centennial is not dead. Lanza, every so often, the angry talons, its intemperate attacks. And without the refined forms Miguel Cane and cultured, if not a far more brutal and coarse. She is not the oligarchy of old lineage and roots in the earth proposes the expulsion of foreign low-class, now is the grotesque carnival of PRO, the tiling Berreta of Mauricio Macri, the son of an immigrant if he has done much damage to the country, participating in shady deals could be made with the neoliberal state and private debt generously providing the people with the complicity of willingly provided Domingo Felipe Cavallo. Cane wrote and had some talent as well as much hatred barely Macri is a fairly rustic latter. With this hatred, trying to blame immigrants American housing crisis for its lawlessness and consolidated. The bicentennial
Argentina perhaps you these two faces: that of a Beretta oligarchy that has lost its vigor and intelligence, citing the violent lumpenaje in replacement of tanks and even yearn boots, and a people who know your pain and their needs, but dreams of a future of peace, justice and harmony, where all people of good will who wish to inhabit the soil of our country to do so, finding its place in the world. A place that will undoubtedly be deeply Latin America.

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1) Context: International Day of Human Rights. Immediate predecessor: political repression and two deaths that are thrown between the Federal and the metropolitan, nobody takes care of them. Immediate antecedents: Aníbal Fernández announced that not send the Federal Police. Alak said: "I deliver the property free and keep you did not know it, now Fuck you, we will not.

2) Three years precise mandate for Cristina Kirchner. Image and intention to vote it up. The opposition have nothing to lose. Chaos can emerge a new arena, and there, who knows. But this scenario does not serve more than the government.

3) Cristina speaks on national television. National and international figures of human rights around her. In that moment, "neighbors autoconvocados" begin a brutal crackdown on American Indian occupants of the park.

4) Date: December. Always December. Always present in memory automatically, almost sensory, of a people: hot, party, chaos. The "neighbors autoconvocados" sing like 9 years ago not to listen: "Let them go all, which is not even one. " Is it casual? It is sung in reference to the occupants of the park (squats, the others call "undocumented", period, will call a chronicler of American TV) Is it coincidence "that will be all" in December, with the chaos, fire The violence?

5) In the middle is (Duh) Alderette. Alderette, the man in the CCC had more contacts and have to Duhalde. A Gurkha PCR. Bah, a PCR. Capable of anything, any alliance, any conspiracy. Immediate predecessor, the 125 conflict. History of contact between Duhalde and Alderette: many

6) Barras Bravas: As in the case Ferreyra. Bars associated with any union. In this case SUTECBA (Trade Union of Workers of the State of the City of Buenos Aires). One such Capella, Hurricane Bar, Macri pointer in the south of the CBA, linked to OSBA and SUTECBA. See the post conurbations. Real Estate Business, with SUTECBA in the middle, another post suburbs.

There is a deep story behind four dead. The government recognizes its impotence: it relies on the Federal. He prefers the dead to the dead chaos of repression. Not a bad political analysis, but the dead are dead, the mate who's mate. Unless it is assumed that the Fed is more dangerous than hooligans. Maybe, you can see that Nilda Garre, now new security minister.

There is a clear political operation against Cristina. What that fails to be very clear to me is the role played by Macri, if an accomplice or was in the middle and ends also injured. Do not operate against him directly, but is Garp.

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Soldatti conflict Thinking for a moment: is completed

Michetti Macri and the punches How can it end? Michetti, needs to launch his candidacy for an executive position is important and natural - if there is something natural in politics- Gabriela go for the head of government and to guard his back to Mauritius in that territory "re-bound" which is the city and the drag Macri and she pushed him and bla bla. But no, Mauricio known to play the game of his life, because you need to ensure the election in the city (that is afraid to lose), then he proposes to go in an early election candidate and is expected, take the vice guazón Rodríguez Larreta (the most expensive type of policy asshole in the last 50 years, perhaps stick and stick with Caputto Dante, but only in the face, because it was nothing Caputto idiot). Then the boys would smoke a pipe at Gabrielita, something that is already trying Guazón ago months: to enter the head of government through the window, according to this strategy, no votes of their own, as vice Macri. The results could be catastrophic, of course, how we present a candidate in an executive type, which is not comparable with the testimonials, which were for legislative office for a term of four years in the Capital, very picky and easily electorate Scary, saying that there comes a domestic dispute in four months? Kill him, is the last thing done in his pathetic Macri political career. I mean, if Macri big play is billed "Duran Barba" (ie: trying to secure the victory in early elections and releasing capital his own candidacy, avoiding dragging on How Filmus CFK? and knowing that moves Lozano least a battery ammeter China of those who sell in Retirement, and then proposes to resign and leave nothing less than the guazón in front of his beloved Buenos Aires) I think that jumping into the void what if lost early elections? It's the end, game over evil Michetti What about? Michetti What if you do, say, with other forces such as garcas and ruined as the PRO? Lose the only person who can fluently speak Castilian Pino What if you plant and it replicates the play, is presented to prime minister in early and I end up eating in a second round? What if Cristina Filmus underpins it well, and is involved in choosing wisely Buenos Aires?
the forward would be in late May, so that an eventual ballot would be in June and could reach defeat Mauri own and in duplicate to a national election that if or should occur, all or nothing, because if PRO not go away. The issue is that if not ahead, it appears that the drag effect of CFK and I suppose the pine in a national gathering Mauri leave it at 6, 7 or 8 national and Michetti, at best, a second round of fatal outcome.
interesting thing is that there seems to be a crisis that can safely be terminal for the PRO: no chance of winning the national and many losing in the Capital. And about to lose his less disastrous political picture in the middle of a huge brothel. Buenos Aires is re good, sorry for not being there.

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PRO

THIS DOES NOT FIT.
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PUTTING A LIMIT TO THE BATRACIOFAGIA.

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Put a limit radical in the Federal Capital Act-On Live

A week ago I'm in Buenos Aires, in a hotel, on Avenida de Mayo. A week ago I see billboards advertising the campaign launch event of Ricardo Alfonsin. never imagined that I would find a spectacle stunted.

The stage is located in Avenida de Mayo, fifty meters before coming to Plaza Congreso. From there, people come to harsh penalties, Jump Street. I'm being generous. In total, two blocks and a half, three, with all the good milk. An act miserable: the OP can make a wider notice. Three blocks. A giant screen (the last) with speakers is located almost on Salta, and there are only 200 people, arranged loosely, comfortably watching the speech. It is clear that the organizers expected more people, otherwise not explained the location of the screen, which is outside the main body of the act. Logically, the radicals have reason to worry: if this is your ability to call in the Federal Capital, the forecasts are more than shady.
Another incredible fact is Morales's speech: a succession of awards for governance. Curious about someone who has been a wild opposition to the death. He said, quote: "It is true that the government spends 6% of GDP on education, it is true that they have built more than a thousand schools, it is true that they have delivered thousands of netbooks, but it is not enough, because education has fallen level and remains a huge gap between the private and public school. We have to undo that gap and bla bla bla. " The same to refer to the Universal and Son. To commit the Bober to refer to "the assignment to temporary workers, who have recently achieved much this week." Morales's speech clearly shows that the Jujuy is a realist and something is understood: a speech would not be tense and at no profit. Better to think of 2015 and start building "responsible opposition."
Undoubtedly the act of the UCR has been disappointing. I repeat, three blocks of people. As much as the announcer shouting that they were more than 20 000, did not reach 5 000 people. Obviously, they themselves are surprised by the poverty of the call. We will see that say morning the media. Are not yet nine o'clock at night. Alfonsin still did not speak. You must be holding his head.